The conscience of a conservative

I do not much like David Frum, the former Bush speechwriter who penned one of the most idiotic and overwrought locutions I've heard a President deliver in a State of the Union address in my lifetime - "The Axis of Evil" - combining Saddam's Iraq, the Mullah's Iran (which had seen its conscripts subjected to chemical warfare at Saddam's hands in a nine-year conflict) and the isolated outlier of North Korea into some imagined alliance that defied even a wisp of rational analysis.

Frum became identified with the neoconservative movement at its worst. That is, until the GOP think tank, American Enterprise Institute, dismissed him soon after he began questioning aspects of the party line. (I have to say that today neo-conservatism seems like a fading echo within the spectrum of loud noise on the right.) But partly because I have long seen him as herald of a conservative mindset which in all honesty I despise, I also happen to find much of his current analysis of the ideological cul-de-sac of the Republican party's recent parade of political "stars" fascinating and telling.

"You'd have to be half mad to dream me up!"

In short, Frum - of all people - is freaked out by the descent into blindered unreality and unhinged  hsyterics of a Tea-Partyized GOP.  Here's a Frum commentary - reflecting on the aftermath of the 2008 financial meltdown and his own efforts at rethinking a "free market" outlook in it's wake - that captures some of the essence of just how disconnected from reality the current iteration of the GOP has become:

Especially after 2000, incomes did not much improve for middle-class Americans. The promise of macroeconomic stability proved a mirage: America and the world were hit in 2008 by the sharpest and widest financial crisis since the 1930s. Conservatives do not like to hear it, but the crisis originated in the malfunctioning of an under-regulated financial sector, not in government overspending or government over-generosity to less affluent homebuyers.

Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac were bad actors, yes, but they could not have capsized the world economy by themselves. It took Goldman Sachs, Merrill Lynch, AIG, and — maybe above all — Standard & Poor’s and Moody’s to do that.

In the aftermath of the catastrophe, the free-market assumption and expectation that an unemployed person could always find work somewhere has been massively falsified: at the trough of this recession, there were almost 6 jobseekers in the US for every unfilled job. Nothing like such a disparity had been seen since the 1930s. The young faced the worst job odds. But some of the most dismal outcomes were endured by workers in their 50s, laid off from middle-class jobs likely never to see middle-class employment again.

GK Chesterton once wrote that we should never tear down a fence until we knew why it had been built. In the calamity after 2008, we rediscovered why the fences of the old social insurance state had been built.

Speaking only personally, I cannot take seriously the idea that the worst thing that has happened in the past three years is that government got bigger. Or that money was borrowed. Or that the number of people on food stamps and unemployment insurance and Medicaid increased. The worst thing was that tens of millions of Americans – and not only Americans – were plunged into unemployment, foreclosure, poverty. If food stamps and unemployment insurance, and Medicaid mitigated those disasters, then two cheers for food stamps, unemployment insurance, and Medicaid...

I strongly suspect that today’s Ayn Rand moment will end in frustration or worse for Republicans. The future beyond the welfare state...will not arrive. At that point, Republicans will face a choice. (I’d argue we face that choice now, whether we recognize it or not.) We can fulminate against unchangeable realities, alienate ourselves from a country that will not accede to the changes we demand. That way lies bitterness and irrelevance. Or we can go back to work on the core questions facing all center right parties in the advanced economies since World War II: how do we champion entrepreneurship and individualism within the context of a social insurance state?

I do not identify with political conservatism (although many of my liberal impulses are rooted in a recognition that the dynamics of unfettered capitalism are so relentless and chaotic that they need to be balanced and regulated by social anchors which are fundamentally "conservative" in contrast.)  But in my decidedly left-of-center view, it's telling that a relatively reflective conservative - that is, one capable of analysis deeper than a FOXoid soundbite - is having these sobering second thoughts about the GOP's embrace of right-wing radicalism rooted in little more than aggressive ignorance.